On the basis of the findings emerging from the analysis of the data, the following picture represent Polish transnational entrepreneurs’ embeddedness into different fields and at different levels:
Our findings show that what distinguishes transnational entrepreneurs from other migrant entrepreneurs (i.e., what makes their entrepreneurial venture transnational) are the conditions of their embeddedness at the meso-level. This emphasizes the importance of the meso-level of analysis in studying transnational migration practices (Faist, 2010) and transnational entrepreneurship (Portes et al., 2002). However, our analysis of the meso level in multi-dimensional and includes more than the transnational social networks revealing the role played by meso-level political and economic conditions. We find different patterns of activities between migrant entrepreneurs, and the meso level contribute to explain the difference of engagement of migrant entrepreneurs in transnational business operations, sourcing, and markets. We distinguish between transnational migrants who are entrepreneurs (and who are transnational individual migrant in their social and political practices) and transnational migrant entrepreneurs, who are engaging in transnational business operations, including through embeddedness in transnational supply-chain, industry-specific networks and markets.
The diverse political, social and economic contexts at the meso-level provide more (or less) favorable grounds for migrant entrepreneurs to engage with transnational activities. Whilst the macro-level transnational conditions in which transnational migrant entrepreneurs are embedded are of importance, these are not unique to them. Similarly, the transnationalism at the micro-level is a core characteristic for transnational migration, yet not decisive for the inception of entrepreneurship. Our findings show that the consideration of the meso-level across these three dimensions is the key to understanding what makes transnational migrants into transnational entrepreneurs.
We first present our findings on macro and micro-level contextual dimensions and the common role they play for all migrant entrepreneurs (summarized in Fig. 1 above). Focusing on our most original finding, we then present the crucial meso-level (Faist, 2010), providing a detailed account of the social, political and economic dimensions and how they favor or constrain the transnationalization of migrant entrepreneurs’ activities.
Macro-level transnationalism
The findings first confirm the relevance of the macro-level framework in providing the conditions for transnational migration, and thus, transnational entrepreneurship. The migration of Polish individuals to the UK was made possible through transnationalization at the EU-level with the 2004 enlargement, when the UK waived the transitional provisions on the freedom of movement of most other EU countries. Interviewed Polish entrepreneurs confirmed this particular macro-level condition as the key to migrating to the UK after 1st May 2004 in search for employment and better livelihood. Poland at the time was facing high unemployment and the strong Stirling Pound was a further incentive for people to look for jobs in the UK. Initially, these migrants were sojourners and only working in the UK for a few months, before returning to Poland. However, with time, families joined, and migrants started to settle in the UK – such transnational circular and chain migrations were enabled by EU-accession. In addition, the transnationalization of the EU market provided numerous opportunities to grow their business, using transnational sourcing or by relying on transnational networks of corporations as clients, investors or main business partners if they wished. The macro-level of politico-institutional decisions made by national governments, but also international entities enabled transnational migration for Polish entrepreneurs and provides favorable conditions for their transnational entrepreneurial opportunities. Transnational supply chain networks were available to source manufactured products or services. Finally, among the younger transnational entrepreneurs of the study, we could observe the influence of a global culture on initiating entrepreneurship, thus macro-level social dimension of transnationalism, fostered by globalized media and different educational experiences abroad (in the UK, the USA, Denmark, and Germany). However, though macro-level conditions are crucial as a framework in which transnational entrepreneurs are embedded, these do not fully explain why the interviewed Polish migrant entrepreneurs started to engage with transnational entrepreneurial activities (including cross-border trade, the creation of transnational opportunities or engagement in transnational business networks). Indeed, the political, economic and social dimensions at the macro-level are identically faced by all EU migrants.
Micro-level transnationalism
There are different micro-level activities and responses at the level of the individual transnational migrant that characterizes all our participants. These depend on personal level of transnational grass-root activism (for example in cross-border religious and political action) in which some were engaged. Likewise, each participant had different intensity and frequency of engagement in individual transnational practices, as for example, watching Polish TV, maintaining contact with family and friends in Poland or across the world. Many of the post-2004 migrants have regular contact with family members or friends who had recently migrated to other EU or non-EU countries, using online social media (including Skype and WhatsApp). These micro-level activities of everyday practices of transnationalism do not however explain the conditions of their entrepreneurial activities. Transnational activities, such as sourcing, business collaboration with transnational partners or access to foreign customers, are in principle available to all potential migrant entrepreneurs. Yet, some did identify these opportunities whilst others kept focusing on local activities. What can explain the different entrepreneurial activities of these entrepreneurs regarding transnational entrepreneurship are meso-levels conditions across the three dimensions of the political, economic and social.
The crucial meso level of transnational entrepreneurship
First, the social dimension at the meso-level refers to social practices, characterized by access to specific social networks, further giving access to additional resources that entrepreneurs use for their business. We found that the social dimension of the meso-level, whilst having the potential to facilitate the start-up of the business, often also constrains the engagement of migrant entrepreneurs in transnationalization activities. As Jan (who has no entrepreneurial transnational activities for his manufacturing business) says:
I have a broad enough network of customers here in the UK. There are too many things I can do for mates who have their own businesses already
Polish migrant entrepreneurs are embedded in their community of fellow migrants (see also: Ryan, 2011; Knight, 2015; Lassalle & McElwee, 2016). They socialize within the community, for a beer at a local pub, for sports sessions, for religious services, which are coupled to emotional and informational support from the community. Ad hoc media developed for the circulation of information for such social events (emigrant magazine, emito, glasgow24 fora and other social media groups), which were then also used when starting up. Rafał, who uses transnational sourcing for this car repair business, thus, being a transnational migrant entrepreneur in UK, accounts as followed:
I love playing basketball. I have been practicing for many years. When I arrived in the UK, I did not know where to play. We created a forum on emito.Footnote 6 You know, to find information, where to find a good car repair service or where to by some tools for DIY. I started to see that there could be more good quality car repair shop. I started to test the waters, to ask people what they needed. I was advertising the business before I started.
Through such social practices within the community and because of shared culture, Polish migrant entrepreneurs better understand the needs of the community, which they see as opportunities for the development of their businesses. For example, Marta, as an entrepreneur in catering business, focuses on the migrant community, reflecting the more classical understanding of ethnic niche markets in case of transnational migrant entrepreneurship:
I am a Pole too. I know what the Polish people want. Which sausage, which juices, which ham to sell. Sometimes I do not know anything about a product. I don’t eat much cheese so I ask my customers about their favorite ones.
In addition, some entrepreneurs break-out to the mainstream market. By being embedded in the host country society beyond their own migrant communities, they have discovered further opportunities for their business. The geographical point of reference in these cases can be the neighborhood rather than the ethnic towns or other areas where their co-ethnics concentrate. Tomasz, for example, who is a transnational migrant himself, but operates in the local community, recounts how he became more socially embedded with people living in the same neighborhood:
I met so many people. I mean local people. They are British. We talk about football, this is universal. We started to do this business, the IT service one.
Through the social embeddedness at the meso-level in the local neighborhood, they gained access to information, sourcing, labor and market. However, despite some evidence of social engagement with local people and serving the local market, some Polish migrant entrepreneurs remain mostly embedded in the Polish community, which also is their target niche market.
Regarding specific transnational business activities, the social dimension of the meso-level is also where transnationalization can be achieved. We observe such transnationalization of business with several entrepreneurs who have established prior connections through studies or work experience abroad, as in the case of Janusz, a transnational IT business entrepreneur:
I worked in the USA for 3 months. I did everything: waiter, cleaner, everything. Then I found a short-term job in IT as a coder. I work with them now. My clients are all over the world. As long as I deliver. I employ these Poles to work with me. We are a bunch of Poles, competing with Indians and Hungarians for US market.
Transnational entrepreneurial activities emerged when Polish migrant entrepreneurs purposefully seek for transnational connections which they could use for their business. This occurs not only in the IT sector, but also in other sectors, such as in the food sectors:
We started to look for partners back in Poland. We did not know anyone. We have our family there but for the business, we knew no one. So, I actually went to Silesia and searched for partners from whom we could directly source our imports. This helped us to cut 30% on intermediary costs for a whole range of products. We only buy the bread here in the UK (Andrzej)
Whereas some still aim for the Polish migrant community market and capitalize on access to further resources, others go beyond the migrant niche market by building on transnational social connections for their activities. Joanna, who builds transnational networks for her consultancy accounts:
I am providing a range of consultancy services here. I mean, this is London. If you look beyond the Polish people, they are 20 million potential customers from all origins. So diverse [in English]. I like this. My clients are professionals from India, the Golf countries and from the USA. Do I know them? Not directly. This is word of mouth [in English]. I made connections during my MBA. People are from everywhere […] They are still my friends, we keep contact on WhatsApp. They work in different consultancy or in major corporations in different places. I know some Polish people, I meet them every Friday for a beer and a chat.
Along with favorable conditions at the macro-level, our findings show that the meso-level is crucial in becoming transnational entrepreneurs. The social dimension is crucial in explaining the engagement of Polish migrants in transnational entrepreneurial activities, whereas difference can be seen on the business strategies regarding the market foci.
Second, the economic dimension at the meso-level relates to the specific sectoral and industrial conditions, as well as on the ethnic niche market opportunities identified and created by migrant entrepreneurs. In the UK, the Polish-community niche market is large (with over 1 million Polish-born people in different cities in the UK) and brings sufficient demand for some migrant entrepreneurs, who remain economically embedded in the local community niche market:
There is no need to look far away. There are so many Poles here in Glasgow. My salon is always full now” (Irena, who shows no transnational entrepreneurial activity)
For these reasons, the migrant community niche market is often the sole market for Polish migrant entrepreneurs. However, the transnationalization of the EU market at the macro-level provides numerous opportunities to grow their business beyond the locally-based migrant community. Transnationally engaged entrepreneurs capitalize on these opportunities based on the meso-level conditions of the industry, engaging in transnational sourcing, networking and market access.
I work in IT right? I mean, I am doing infrastructure design for IT companies. I can work from anywhere, I am using platforms from the Silicon Valley, IT solutions from Hungary, and all similar things. I work in Poland now but my clients are all around the world. (Paweł)
Likewise, still in the IT sector:
My passion is Artificial Intelligence. This is my business. In AI, the applications are worldwide. I have some local clients, but all the others are in the USA. I am a supplier for larger firms in the Silicon Valley (Iwona)
The IT sector specifically enables and encourages transnationalization for entrepreneurs, but transnationalization of economic activities are not limited to this sector. Some entrepreneurial endeavors are based on other economic opportunities, often using the costs differential between different countries to identify appropriate industries and specific niche markets in which to operate.
The business model is simple here. I just buy in Poland and sell in the UK. This is so much cheaper to manufacture in Poland. I am like a broker. I bring business on both sides: to my Polish suppliers and to my clients here. (Michał, operating transnationally in manufacturing)
The economic dimension for transnational migrant entrepreneurship is often closely interlinked to the social dimension, with the transnational connections being crucial for the business. Yet, migrants differentiate between specific business and corporate connections from those opportunities arising from merely social interactions. Also, there are further economic impact at the meso-level such as barriers to labor market integration, potentially leading to entrepreneurship. As another transnationally operating entrepreneur in manufacturing accounts:
But I could not really find a better job here. I remember, I went to an advisor at the job center to ask her: could I apply to this or that? But she could not understand my degree (a license, equivalent to a bachelor degree) and my work experience would not mean anything for a local employer. Really this was tough. (Bogdan)
Despite formal macro-level policies supporting the EU-wide recognition of qualifications, they might not be recognized at their value on the labor market at the meso-level. These are barriers of economic dimension at the meso-level faced by migrants. Meso-level economic conditions can lead migrants to entrepreneurship as a necessity, but also give new opportunities in the transnational field.
Third, on the political dimension, the meso-level refers to regional policies put in place and to business support agencies to which entrepreneurs have access. The specific meso-level political arrangements help explaining why some transmigrants entrepreneurs engage in transnational entrepreneurship. Scotland is an interesting case in this respect, being part of the complex political system of the UK, governmentally operating at the meso-level. It has a pro-migration agenda (‘We are Scotland’ campaign) and has launched specific government support policies for migrants and migrant entrepreneurs (Mwaura et al., 2018). However, the Scottish government has no autonomy on migration policies and liberalization (decided at the macro-level), which reduces the scope for tailored support. Such meso-level inequality in the political dimension is well illustrated in case of Polish entrepreneurs located in London, who benefit from further regional policy support and region-specific transnational economic connections to other major urban centers. Operating transnationally in the luxury industry, Magda remembers:
We moved to London from Sheffield [note: Northern England]. Being in London is like being in Vienna, Milan or Berlin for the business. All the diplomats are here for the Embassies, the Consulates. It could have been Edinburgh too [note: Scotland], but London is just more interconnected as a city than Edinburgh.
She went on explaining not only the potential she saw in the market, i.e., the availability of highly affluent customers for her luxury products in general, but also mentioned the presence of “powerful people” and their desires for “posh interiors” in their housings and buildings for representation purposes, helped her to establish in these networks in the context of London. She not only benefits from the presence of a transnational customer base, but more importantly the presence of business networks and of political institutions at the meso-level. Though indirect in the actual ‘political’ dimension, her case illustrates how the meso-level of politics can be reflected in transnational entrepreneurship this way, too.
Though formal institutional support at the meso-level can also be available, many Polish migrants are not aware of relevant regional support institutions, such as those that can provide small grants and advice to start-up and grow businesses (e.g., Business Gateway and Scottish Enterprise). Even when migrant entrepreneurs are aware of existing support institutions, they perceive them as useless to them. As commonly expressed during the interviews, entrepreneurs consider that meso-level institutional support are not designed for the needs of migrant but for those of local entrepreneurs. This mismatch derives from the fact that entrepreneurial support policies of the Scottish government are tailored to encourage the development of an entrepreneurial mindset, but migrant entrepreneurs desire technical support on bookkeeping, taxes and start-up capital:
I do not need an idea, right? I have my idea. I just need help on how to fill the paperwork and I need money. Can Business Gateway give me that? No. I went there but it was not useful. I mean, maybe this is useful for others but not for me. (Krzysztof, not operating transnationally)
Indeed, most support to migrant entrepreneurs is for start-ups but neglects the potential of migrant businesses to access international markets and engage transnationally. Whilst such programs exist, entrepreneurs insist that the offer is not tailored to support their particular needs in receiving technical know-how and in activating transnational resources that they can leverage for their businesses. We observe a different perception of meso-level political support in the case of transnational entrepreneurs in Poland, where regional policy-makers are encouraging returnees to engage with transnational markets and activities, through favorable policies, financial and technological support. As Mirela, as a transnational entrepreneur who operates in the IT industry from Poland says:
After I came back from the USA, I actually found some support here in the region. The [regional] government set up some support for entrepreneurs. We have a science park and some financial incentives. When I talk to them, they are all mentioning funding opportunities from Israel and markets all over the world.
Indeed, in the Scottish case, transnational entrepreneurship is not necessarily supported by the regional entrepreneurial ecosystem (cf. Mwaura et al., 2018; Spigel, 2017), yet other regions within Europe, especially in the context of return migration as well as border regions (see INTERREG projects) build on the economic potential of transnational entrepreneurship.